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Commonly defined as the potential for implementing a mitigation or adaptation option, climate actions’ feasibility encompasses much more than a simple “can-do” attitude. The implementation of climate action has been particularly studied after the Paris Agreement and has sky-rocketed since its inclusion in the latest IPCC Reports. The feasibility of adaptation options in Africa, the water sector in urban and rural landscapes, or mitigation actions in developing countries are just a few examples of a term whose definition is still ongoing. However, a huge gap exists between what is planned and what is currently being implemented to make sure we reach climate goals effectively.. The evaluation of feasibility is complex, and based on the evaluation of barriers (those that constrain climate action) and enablers (those that enhance climate action). Thus, analysing case studies provides empirical evidence on an action’s planning, implementation, and monitoring processes. While recent comprehensive conceptual frameworks offer a more holistic, strong and structured visual approach, iterations between testing theoretical frameworks with empirical data might lead to adequate solutions. Some international repositories work on compiling empirical data on climate action. For example, the Global Covenant of Mayors – A complete collection of action plans and monitoring reports from the MyCovenant reporting platform, 4th Release is a comprehensive database where signatories worldwide report on their sustainable energy climate action plans (SECAPs). Analysing such data has proved to serve the purpose, as recent studies are already using it to delve into feasibility extensively and even identify key predictors of greenhouse gas emissions for cities committing to mitigate. The following sections will delve into such data and provide an overview of some observations that can be useful in identifying barriers and enablers for empirical implementation. What can be feasible? The features of climate actions can define their feasibility. For instance, the lack of detailed information in climate action planning is an acknowledged barrier to action implementation. Different types of actions might also have different constraints. While developing synthetic alternatives to fossil fuels, such as hydrogen or others, might face technological maturity constraints, other mitigation strategies like solar fields or wind farms require huge land extensions. Understanding the type of climate action and its requirements facilitates identifying barriers. Figure 1 depicts the number of mitigation actions per sector compiled in the GCoM Database and their implementation status. Local heat and cold production seems to be the most successful sector, with a percentage

The move towards carbon neutrality is vital for tackling anthropogenic climate change and limiting temperature rise, protecting our ecosystems, fostering sustainable economic and social development, enhancing public health outcomes, and moreover, creating a more equitable society for everyone. In the UK, there is, on the face of it, a robust legal framework for achieving carbon neutrality. For example, the Climate Change Act (2008) initially set a target of reducing emissions by 80% by 2050, compared to 1990 levels and an amendment to the Act in 2019 set a target of net-zero emissions by 2050, making the UK the first major economy to enshrine such a target into law. Notwithstanding other related UK legislation that feeds into the carbon neutrality agenda, local or urban scale action – which can also be described as ‘place-based’ action – will play a significant role in the UK’s drive for carbon neutrality. An important area of research interest for social science climate scholars is the need to examine how new forms of local and/or urban climate governance experimentation act as an ‘enabler’ or ‘barrier’ to place-based climate action. For this blog, I am just exploring the role of climate commissions as a barrier to urban carbon neutrality, by reflecting upon the findings of a recent British Academy funded ‘policy insights’ project. This project, supported by the Place-based Climate Action Network (PCAN), gathered evidence on the governance, policy, networked and scalar relationships between climate commissions and local, national, and international climate agendas and focused on three research questions: What are UK climate commissions doing to address local climate mitigation and/or adaptation through the lens of ‘place-shaping’? How are commissions adopting an inclusive and/or pluralistic approach when engaging different sectors through place-based governance innovations? How are these innovations shaping (or being shaped by) local, national, and international climate policy agendas? Through answering these research questions, the respondents revealed some interesting insights into the role played by climate commissions as a governance barrier to urban carbon neutrality or net zero (although there are some differences between the two terms, see here). The methods used in this project consisted of a survey, in-depth interviews, and a ‘policy insight’ networking workshop. The survey was co-designed by the project team of Candice Howarth (LSE, UK), Andrea Armstrong (Silent Spring Consultants) and me, and it comprised of 25 open and closed questions. The questionnaire was circulated during May to July 2023 via

Spain’s cities are at the forefront of Europe’s ambitious EU Cities Mission, working towards the goal of climate neutrality by 2030. Seven Spanish cities—Madrid, Barcelona, Valencia, Sevilla, Zaragoza, Valladolid, and Vitoria-Gasteiz—are part of this challenge, and while the path toward decarbonization is promising, it’s far from easy. These cities face complex governance challenges, from fragmented structures to weak citizen engagement, that offer valuable lessons in urban governance and innovation as we move closer to achieving the climate goals set by the European Commission (European Commission, 2021). The Climate-Neutral Cities Mission represents more than just a policy shift; it’s a call for mission-oriented governance that requires municipalities, private actors, and civil society to unite under a shared objective: achieving climate neutrality. However, achieving this goal isn’t as simple as it sounds—it involves overcoming deeply entrenched governance barriers, political hurdles, and societal dynamics. How we assessed the challenges In examining these obstacles, our research relied on qualitative interviews, focus groups, and observations at workshops and summer courses attended by stakeholders from the participating cities. We also tapped into reports from NetZeroCities and the CitiES2030 platform to enrich our analysis. A key tool we used to frame this research is Marc Wolfram’s Urban Transformative Capacity (UTC) framework (Wolfram, 2016), which evaluates how cities can lead systemic change. The UTC framework focuses on inclusive governance, community empowerment, and innovation, assessing cities’ readiness to make the leap from small adjustments to a fundamental transformation of urban structures, governance, and infrastructure. Key challenges: More than just words Spanish cities face a fundamental need to shift from incremental changes to disruptive strategies that can challenge old norms and trigger systemic transformations (Wolfram, 2016). Central to this shift is how cities view their Climate City Contracts (CCCs). These contracts should be much more than documents—they need to evolve into co-creative tools that help municipalities rethink and redesign their climate strategies with stakeholders (Mazzucato, 2018a; Shabb & McCormick, 2023). In Spain, the creation of CCCs has been hampered by the typical governance challenges—siloed structures, communication breakdowns, and political stagnation. In some cases, the mission’s execution has even fallen on the shoulders of just one individual, revealing a stark lack of resources. This has prevented CCCs from fully reaching their transformative potential, as cities lack the capacity to break free from traditional governance approaches (Turnheim, 2015; Frantzeskaki, 2012). To make up for these limitations, many Spanish cities have turned to consultancies to help shape their CCCs. These consultancies bring much-needed expertise, guiding municipalities through complex climate strategies and helping them meet their goals. For cities without the internal resources or capacity to

During our recent field trip to one of Barcelona’s underground water retention tanks, located next to Placa Espanya, we were able to see firsthand one of the ways this impressive city is adapting to the increased risk of flooding caused by climate change. We were guided by a member of the Ajuntament de Barcelona on a tour beneath the streets of the city. They guided us around this immense underground infrastructure, and expertly informed us about how the system works.  Preparing for Climate Uncertainty The visit was a great way to see a specific example of how the city of Barcelona has adapted to withstand future climate events, making the city safer and better prepared for climate change. The experience gave an insight into how the city manages its waste and stormwater, dealing with the climatic challenges and urban pressures it currently faces. Figure 01: The small stormwater retention tank. What stood out the most during the site visit was how vast the underground drainage system is in Barcelona. The city has 13 underground stormwater tanks scattered across various locations under the city. All combined, the stormwater retention tanks can hold over 500,000 m3 of water and in the coming years, this capacity is expected to be expanded. They plan to build 38 new stormwater retention tanks in response to future climate change threats becoming more severe and common. The system uses sensors for real-time monitoring of the stormwater level and uses radar forecasting to effectively manage and store incoming water.  The drainage system has over 200 sensors and 24 rain gauges to monitor the conditions and respond efficiently to extreme climate events. There is a 5-level warning system used based on 20 and 60-minute rainfall statistics, depending on the quantity of rainfall detected by the sensors one of the 5 warning systems would be triggered. Level 1 is light rainfall, levels 2 and 3 are moderate rainfall and levels 4 and 5 are severe events. When the system detects a level 4 or 5 event, this is communicated to civil protection, who will decide whether they need to alert the public. This allows for a fast and effective warning system during extreme weather events. During such events, if necessary, the capacity of the tanks can be expanded in order to withstand the higher volume of rainfall. The stormwater will then be stored and treated, reducing the amount of contaminated

Over the past 20-30 years, a quiet revolution has been brewing in La Bordeta – a small but significant neighbourhood adjacent to Sants and Plaça Espanya in Barcelona and bridging them to the municipality of L’Hospitalet. The Sants neighbourhood has been long known for its role in social and cultural movements, and in the face of climate change and economic crises, the area is now emerging as a testing ground for transformative urban sustainability, community governance, and energy transition. Figure 01: Abandoned textile factory and industrial complex of Can Battló along with some upgraded and renovated sections and parks.(All Photos: Omer Juma)   Can Batlló: From Decaying Private Industrial Site to Community Renaissance After being privately owned and left in disrepair for several decades, this old textile factory site in the La Bordeta neighbourhood witnessed a massive transformation. Long before the municipal urban planning frameworks reshaped the site, the community around this area reclaimed the space to host community initiatives and events and signalled to the municipality to pay attention. The neighbourhood’s grassroots engagement and passion for community empowerment forced the conservative-led city council at the time to turn the land into a private space. What makes Can Battló unique is that, even though publicly owned, it is governed by the community itself – an experimental form of urban commons rarely seen in Barcelona. On this site visit led by Gaia D’Elia and Jole Lutzu from Batec, we explored Can Battló and Bloc4BCN and learned about two cooperatives: La Borda, a housing cooperative, and Batec, an energy cooperative with one of its solar panel installations in La Borda. Figure 02: (Left) A basketball court and outdoor gym in an enclosed space within a reclaimed warehouse. (Right) A shaded playground for children with accessible entrances, adequate seating, and a sense of safety. Figure 03: Bloc4BCN facilities in the Can Battló area where Batec and other cooperatives are housed.   La Borda: A Sustainable and Resilient Housing Cooperative Figure 04: (Left) The start of the tour by Batec in front of the La Borda building. (Right) The tour continues towards Bloc4BCN. On the periphery of Can Battló stands a beautiful architectural feature, La Borda, built to have the lowest environmental impact during the construction and throughout its lifespan. This is Barcelona’s first housing cooperative built entirely through the Lacol architectural cooperative – whose members also live in the building they designed. This

 As part of the Master’s program in Urban Resilience for Sustainability Transitions, the class of 2025 participated in a two-day deep dive into the housing cooperative Sostre Civic. Held on February 6th and 7th, 2025, this seminar and site visit were part of the Community Resilience module, introducing strategies to address housing shortages, community displacement, and modern individualistic living standards.  On February 6th, the group visited Sostre Civic’s headquarters in Eixample, Barcelona, a hub for multiple cooperatives spanning legal, construction, architecture, and sustainability fields. These organizations collaborate as a cooperative network. In the conference room, Nina Turrull from Sostre Civic’s engineering and technical team provided an in-depth overview of Barcelona’s housing crisis and the cooperative’s mission.  Figure 01: Sostre Civic presentation by Nina Turrull Barcelona faces an escalating housing crisis due to complex socio-economic and political factors. Tourism and short-term rentals, fueled by platforms like Airbnb, have driven up rents, reducing housing availability for residents. Additionally, stagnant local wages, rising living costs, and policies favoring remote workers further widen the affordability gap. Investment properties and the lack of social housing also contribute to long-term residents being priced out of the city.    Right-of-Use Cooperative Housing Model Sostre Civic offers an alternative housing model aimed at helping residents work around current housing issues. Established in 2004, it is a cooperative focused on community needs rather than profit. The right to use model employed by Sostre Cívic is a cooperative housing approach where the cooperative owns the property, and members pay an initial contribution and  monthly fees for the indefinite right to live in their homes. Unlike ownership or renting, residents don’t own the property but have secure, long-term, and affordable housing while actively participating in the cooperative’s management and decision-making.This model aligns well with public-private partnerships (PPPs) and community land trusts (CLTs) by enabling access to publicly or community-owned land for affordable housing projects. In a PPP or CLT arrangement, the land remains collectively owned while cooperatives like Sostre Cívic manage housing, ensuring long-term affordability, community control, and resilience against speculation. Currently, Sostre Civic has over 1,700 members across 27 cities in Catalonia and the Balearic Islands. Its portfolio includes 14 co-living projects, with 11 more in development, totaling 561 homes. By 2027, they expect to expand to 19 co-living spaces and 6 additional projects, reaching 656 homes. The price range they work with depends mostly on the location, land and

During the Primavera R Festival on April 11th, we had the pleasure of experiencing the “Botanical Neglect” walk, led by Garbino Carballo. This site visit offered an opportunity to explore the ecological, biological, and social benefits of Montjuïc, while also examining how these are affected by surrounding urbanization and the various urban activities taking place there. The walk guided us through several parks and gardens on the hill, beginning with the Gardens of Walter Benjamin and Hortes de Sant Bertran, continuing through Forestier’s Stairs, Jardins de Mossèn Costa i Llobera, and Jardins de Miramar, and finally returning to Avinguda Paral·lel via the Jardins de la Primavera. Along the route, we learned about the complex historical, urban development, and social issues that have emerged from the many uses of these spaces, and about the many great benefits these parks and gardens provide to the city in terms of resilience. Take a look at our Recap Video! https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cqUxxtratns&list=PLKlnC0_KUkYR1OlLRDGGshwmN7wT70tu5&index=3

With the rising awareness of climate change impacts, and as the number and frequency of rainfall events increases, so does the need for innovative rainwater management solutions. Especially in the context of Barcelona, increasing precipitation constantly puts the sewerage systems under pressure. However, rather than simply replacing existing pipes with larger ones, benefits can be achieved by focusing on more integrated and sustainable rainwater management, retaining the rainwater through paths and gardens which reduce the speed of the run-off. We had the chance to spend a whole day with the chief architect who designed the Parc de les Aigüesin Barcelona, understanding and touching with our hands how to design and manage sustainable urban drainage systems solutions in practice. The renovation project we visited was developed by CREAM, and Angel Cerezo, founder partner of the firm, explained the whole design process taking us on a tour. The parc is an 11-hectare site located in Cornellá de Llobregat (Barcelona) and linked to the Llobregat River (one of the two rivers’ mouths defining Barcelona city Northers and Southern boundaries) and representing an ecological corridor and a vertebral axis of this part of the city. The project aimed at recovering this natural characteristic of the space and improving the habitat of flora and fauna while serving as a didactic, pedagogical and social tool, supporting the memory of the place and its heritage values. The lens through which the project was conceived integrated water engineering and landscape architecture, recovering the place’s intrinsic relationship with the natural environment, its ecosystems and water flows. This has been done through a complete redesign of the park access and parking space, the underground ponds, pipes and canals for a more sustainable and flooding-proof water balance of the rain run-off and ultimately the re-urbanization of the garden paths. The parc is an 11-hectare site located in Cornellá de Llobregat (Barcelona) and linked to the Llobregat River (one of the two rivers’ mouths defining Barcelona city Northers and Southern boundaries) and representing an ecological corridor and a vertebral axis of this part of the city. The project aimed at recovering this natural characteristic of the space and improving the habitat of flora and fauna while serving as a didactic, pedagogical and social tool, supporting the memory of the place and its heritage values. The lens through which the project was conceived integrated water engineering and landscape architecture, recovering the place’s intrinsic

Climate change is a wicked problem that calls for new ways of governing. Decarbonization – the process of overcoming society’s dependence on fossil fuels – is a complex process of societal change. Reflexive governance helps address the ambivalence of goals, uncertainty of knowledge, and distributed efforts involved. Accordingly, it emphasizes the importance of participation, experimentation, and collective learning. But decarbonization is also highly political. It requires that fossil fuel supporting norms, institutions, capacities, and coalitions be questioned. Yet, the literature on climate governance largely overlooks politics. My research reveals how politics shape decarbonization trajectories in the building sector through struggles over problem/solution definitions, formal and informal rules, and power. Understanding these political barriers is crucial for several reasons: It helps us move beyond simplistic, technocratic solutions to address the full complexity of societal transformation. It reveals hidden obstacles that may undermine even the most well-intentioned decarbonization policies. It provides insights into how we can design more effective governance strategies that account for political realities. International Scale: The World Green Building Council’s Net Zero Program At the international scale, the World Green Building Council’s Advancing Net Zero program was explored through discourse analysis of over 100 documents, 22 interviews, and two webinar transcripts. Our analysis identified six main storylines used to legitimate Net Zero Carbon Building standards. While the WorldGBC’s legitimation strategy allowed for the rapid diffusion of Net Zero Carbon Building standards, we also found tensions between efficiency claims and procedural integrity, between promises of distributed benefits and economic advantages for industry incumbents. Further research into discursive legitimation practices revealed that the incremental, techno-optimistic approach to decarbonization was legitimated by nesting these discourses within more systemic sustainability narratives. The perception of consensus was fostered by adopting a broad definition that could be adapted to various regional expectations, while actively suppressing public conflict over the Net Zero Carbon Building solution. This demonstrates how legitimacy imperatives and discursive practices can limit transformative change. It highlights the challenges of making diverse perspectives explicit and reflecting upon them publicly. At the same time, these findings underscore the need to reflect on legitimation discourses, practices, and mechanisms that reinforce the status quo or provide opportunities for change. These reflections are increasingly critical to avoid depoliticising decarbonization as public policymakers consider private standards as policy models or compliance options. Urban Scale: Building Emission Performance Standards At the urban scale, I studied building emission performance standards (BEPS)

The first edition of Primavera R Festival marked an important step toward strengthening the ecosystem of climate action in Barcelona. Over the course of three intensive days, the festival brought together diverse actors, researchers, practitioners, community members, and city-makers around a shared commitment to creating more resilient urban futures. The programme featured 13 renowned speakers in the Intensive Training on Climate Urbanism, five site visits to local adaptation initiatives across the city, and a great networking event that provided space for dialogue and new connections. In total, 375 participants took part in this first edition, contributing knowledge, curiosity, and energy to a growing community of practice. Primavera R is more than a festival. It is a format and an excuse to come together to learn, exchange, celebrate, and imagine the future of our city. By creating moments of connection across disciplines and sectors, we are beginning to shape an ecosystem for collaboration and creativity that can drive climate action.